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Krista Richard with Younis and Aws, two children who received one of her free bikes – credit, supplied by Richard to GNNBabies learn a lot in their first year. But their behaviour doesn’t always tell the full story
Anyone who has spent time with a baby knows how unpredictable the first year can feel. One week a baby suddenly seems to “get” something new. The next week, that same response may disappear.
Parents often describe this as progress coming in bursts rather than in a straight line. These changes can be exciting to watch, but they can also raise questions. Did my baby forget? Did something go wrong?
Our new research, published in Language Learning and Development, suggests early language learning unfolds in much the same way. We found babies can pick up how speech sounds are made as early as four months old.
But this early ability does not simply grow stronger month by month. Instead, as babies move through the first year, the way they show what they know can change, even while learning continues quietly in the background.
Learning about speech
In earlier research, we showed babies as young as four months can learn patterns about how speech sounds are made.
After a short game involving two made-up “mini-languages”, four-month-olds could link what they had heard with what they later saw, even when the test was completely silent.
This told us babies were not just remembering individual sounds. They were picking up something more general about speech, such as whether sounds were made with the lips or with the tongue tip.
For many researchers, and for parents following this work, that raised a natural question: if babies can do this so early, what happens next?
Watching learning change over time
To find out, we followed the same babies over time and tested them again at seven and ten months. We also tested a separate group of ten-month-olds who had never seen the task before.
This allowed us to watch how learning changed within the same children, while also seeing how babies at the same age responded when everything was new.
The task itself was designed to be simple and engaging. Babies first learned links between made-up words and cartoon animals. For example, a word like “buviwa”, made using the lips, might always appear with a kangaroo, while a word like “dazolu”, made using the tongue tip, appeared with a kookaburra. Each “language” followed a clear pattern based on how its sounds were made.
Later, babies watched silent videos of a person speaking new words and then saw an animal image. Because the videos were silent, babies had to rely on what they had learned earlier, rather than matching sound and sight in the moment.
At four months, babies showed a clear response, paying closer attention when the talking face matched the animal they had learned. At seven months, this clear response was no longer there, which at first surprised us.
But at ten months, a different pattern emerged. Babies paid more attention when something did not match what they had learned. This response was especially clear in babies who were seeing the task for the first time, and became stronger when results from both ten-month-old groups were considered together.
Reorganising language systems
When we look at these findings together, the pattern starts to make sense.
Younger babies often prefer what feels familiar, while older babies tend to focus more on what is new or unexpected. Seven months appears to be a transitional period. Learning is still happening, but it is not expressed as a clear preference in either direction. Rather than signalling a loss of ability, the shift we see reflects a change in how babies respond as they mature.
This period of change fits with what is happening more broadly in babies’ lives. Between about seven and ten months, babies are becoming increasingly tuned to the sounds of the language they hear every day. They are also beginning to recognise common words and link sounds to meaning.
During this time, their language system is not just growing, it is reorganising. When that happens, learning can look uneven from the outside.
Many parents notice similar moments at home. A baby who once turned immediately toward a familiar voice may suddenly seem less responsive, only to show new signs of understanding weeks later.
These moments can be worrying, especially when progress is expected to be steady. Our findings suggest some of these changes may reflect learning in motion rather than learning lost.
Behaviour doesn’t always tell the full story
For parents, this work is a reminder that behaviour does not always tell the full story. If a baby doesn’t show a clear response at a particular age, it does not necessarily mean they have stopped learning or missed an important step.
For researchers and clinicians, the findings highlight the limits of relying on single tests at single ages. Early language learning is flexible and changing. To understand it properly, we need to look at how babies develop over time, not just how they perform at one moment.
Importantly, the results show babies don’t learn in a straight line, and quiet moments are not empty ones. Even when progress is hard to see, learning may still be unfolding, preparing the ground for what comes next.![]()
Eylem Altuntas, Researcher, Speech & Language Development, The MARCS Institute for Brain, Behaviour and Development, Western Sydney University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Milind Soman's mother does skipping every day even at 86
It’s hard to describe what it feels like to become a mum, but it has a name: matrescence
Dylan Nolte/Unsplash
Belinda Eslick, The University of Queensland; Fabiane Ramos, University of Southern Queensland, and Laura Roberts, Flinders University“Completely life-changing”. “Nothing could have fully prepared me”. These are the sorts of phrases you often hear from women when they become a mother.
These descriptions can point to the complexity and depth of the experience. It can be joyous and stressful, exhausting and euphoric, profound and mundane. It’s unlike any other life transition, and – try as we might – hard to capture in words or short phrases.
It turns out, though, there is a word for this process of becoming a mother: matrescence.
It’s a simple but powerful concept that’s changing the way we think about mothering. Here’s what matrescence means and how the concept can help mothers and those supporting them to navigate and understand this time of life.
Where did the term come from?
The term matrescence was coined in a 1973 essay by medical anthropologist Dana Raphael to describe the transition to motherhood. Raphael found most cultures had rites of passage that recognised “the time of mother-becoming”. However, Western countries such as the United States and Australia tended not to.
These practices, which vary depending on the cultural setting, have something in common. They acknowledge that, like adolescence, becoming a mother is a complex experience that brings a period of learning and transformation.
Raphael also coined the term “patrescence”, which, while not the focus of her study, recognised that fathers and other parents also go through a period of transition.
It would take decades, but matrescence made it into the public consciousness in 2017 in an article and widely-viewed TED Talk by reproductive psychiatrist Alexandra Sacks. Books, podcasts and media coverage have abounded since.
What changes during matrescence?
Most public discussion of matrescence still tends to centre the challenges of mothering, for example postpartum depression and anxiety.
But there is increasing interest in the many kinds of changes experienced in matrescence, such as dramatic brain changes or the phenomenon of microchimerism, where foetal cells from pregnancy can remain in the mother’s body, and vice versa.
Research on these phenomena matter not just scientifically, but philosophically.
Other body changes include powerful hormonal changes in pregnancy, birth, and postpartum. There’s also research looking at how having children and breastfeeding can reduce the risk of breast cancer.
Much of this research is emerging, which is unsurprising given historical and ongoing medical misogyny.
More than physical changes
Mothers can also experience significant shifts in identity, including changes in personal values, new priorities, or a sense of loss for other parts of themselves.
Mothers encounter new social dynamics and peer groups, too. The new social identities of “mother” or “mum” (or the markers “working mum” or “stay-at-home mum”) introduce new expectations, norms and ideals.
Relationship dynamics with partners, friends and family can shift significantly.
Mothers can also experience an expansive new relationship with their baby, though this might be sentimentalised or downplayed by others.
Other new emotional experiences, ranging from intense love and gratitude to “mum guilt” and “mum rage”, can arise, too, sometimes leading to maternal ambivalence.
New sensory experiences such as breastfeeding and physical contact can lead mothers to feeling overstimulated or “touched out”, but can also bring joy.
Women also take on a new political and economic identity when becoming mothers. In 2025, mothers are often expected to remain ideal workers in the paid workforce, sometimes navigating a return to paid work while caring for an infant and performing the bulk of crucial unpaid reproductive household labour and care.
This juggle can lead to maternal burnout and negative impacts on mothers’ wellbeing.
This all contributes to the “motherhood penalty” – the well-documented, entrenched and persistent economic injustice experienced by mothers.
Matrescence is a term that helps to capture the breadth of these experiences in all their enormity and complexity.
The oppression of ‘motherhood’
Matrescence doesn’t happen in a vacuum. As Raphael’s original essay showed, it’s shaped by many cultural, economic, and political factors. It’s not the same for every mother.
In her 1976 landmark feminist study on mothering, North American writer and poet Adrienne Rich made the useful distinction between the experience of mothering and what she described as the patriarchal institution of motherhood.
It was the institution of motherhood, Rich argued, that oppressed mothers, not mothering itself. The flipside of this argument was that a liberating motherhood was possible under different conditions.
Feminist scholar Adrienne Rich distinguished between mothering and the institution of motherhood. Colleen McKay/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SAWhen it comes to matrescence, the institution of motherhood in Western societies like Australia tends to sideline the experience of mothers, and the transition to motherhood is still largely experienced in isolation and silence.
Often, a focus on the baby overshadows the maternal-infant relationship or the needs of the mother, with many new mothers feeling unsupported or invisible.
New mothers are also often expected to live up to the “good mother” ideal by being totally self-sacrificing or naturally competent at mothering.
Societal norms can overlook the transitional and transformative period of matrescence, with mothers urged to “bounce back” – either by returning to a “pre-baby” body shape or by promptly getting back to paid work in the same capacity as before giving birth.
These experiences are exacerbated by a range of factors, including class, race, partnered status, sexual orientation and life stage, among others.
How does matrescence help?
While the concept of matrescence has become popular among some mothers and those working in maternal wellbeing, wider awareness of the term and the many changes new mothers experience is important.
For mothers, just knowing the concept can help by normalising what they might be experiencing. It can also help those who are pregnant or considering having a baby to prepare for motherhood.
But it can also help us to recognise that becoming a mother is not just a matter of flicking a switch, but a long and profound process of change that requires supportive conditions.
For individual mothers and families, this might mean friends and family offering to provide food or household help (rather than visiting just to hold the new baby).
Collectively, it means broader social changes, including changing cultural attitudes and better social, economic, and health policies to support mothers and families. These should recognise that when a baby is born, so is a mother.![]()
Belinda Eslick, Honorary Research Fellow, The University of Queensland; Fabiane Ramos, Lecturer, University of Southern Queensland, and Laura Roberts, Senior Lecturer in Women's and Gender Studies, Flinders University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Bodyweight Exercise Program to Build Muscle and Lose Fat
Health & Fitness Solutions, By Michael Paladin, Bodyweight exercises are strength training exercises
that do not require weights for resistance. Your own body weight is enough resistance to build an amazing level of muscle, and bodyweight exercises are definitely challenging enough to chisel away any extra fat. If you want to build more muscle and burn more fat, then this bodyweight exercise workout program is for you. The 4 Basic Bodyweight Exercises: Pull-ups, Squats, Push-ups, Sit-ups These four exercises provide everything you need for a fit and functional body. You have a pull movement (pull-up), a squat movement, a push movement (push-up), and an abdominal movement (sit-ups). How This Bodyweight Exercise Program Works You will perform these four exercises as a circuit using a “pyramid” format. That means you will start on the bottom “level” of the pyramid and “climb” your way up it. Then when you hit the top, you’ll “climb” back down. Because four exercises are done consecutively on each level, you are getting a sufficient rest period for each exercise. Additionally, when you get to your top level on the pyramid and start to get fatigued, you start going down it, doing fewer repetitions per level (set). That means you can still keep good form and concentrate on doing the repetitions perfectly. Bodyweight Exercise Pyramid:
Level
|
Pull-ups
|
Squats
|
Push-ups
|
Sit-ups
|
1
|
1
|
5
|
3
|
5
|
2
|
2
|
10
|
6
|
10
|
3
|
3
|
15
|
9
|
15
|
4
|
4
|
20
|
12
|
20
|
5
|
5
|
25
|
15
|
25
|
6
|
6
|
30
|
18
|
30
|
7
|
7
|
35
|
21
|
35
|
8
|
8
|
40
|
24
|
40
|
9
|
9
|
45
|
27
|
45
|
10
|
10
|
50
|
30
|
50
|
