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Your sense of self is deeply tied to your memory – here’s how
Shane Rogers, Edith Cowan University
You might say you have a “bad memory” because you don’t remember what cake you had at your last birthday party or the plot of a movie you watched last month. On the other hand, you might precisely recall the surface temperature of the Sun any time when asked.
So, is your memory bad, or just fine? Memory is at the very heart of who we are, but it’s surprisingly complex once we start looking at how it all fits together.
In fact, there’s more than one type of memory, and this determines how we recall certain facts about the world and ourselves.
How do we classify memory?
Cognitive psychologists distinguish between declarative memory and non-declarative memory. Non-declarative memories are expressed without conscious recollection, such as skills and habits like typing on a keyboard or riding a bike.
But memories you’re consciously aware of are declarative – you know your name, you know what year it is, and you know there is mustard in the fridge because you put it there.
However, not all of our memories are stored in the same way, nor in the same place in our brains. Declarative memory can be further broken down into semantic memory and episodic memory.
Semantic memory refers to general knowledge about the world. For example, knowing that cats are mammals.
Episodic memory refers to episodes of your life, typically with elements of “what”, “where” and “when”. For example, I remember cuddling my pet cat (what) in my home office (where) just before sitting down to write this article (when).
A sense of self-awareness is strongly involved in episodic memory. It’s the feeling of personally remembering.
For semantic memories, this sense is not as strong – you can have detached knowledge without the context of “how” and “when”. For instance, I know that Canberra is the capital city of Australia (semantic memory), yet I can’t remember specifically when and where I learnt this (episodic memory).
Lessons from amnesia
In the mid-20th century, famous case studies of amnesic patients were the early evidence of this distinction between semantic and episodic memory.
For example, Henry Molaison and Kent Cochrane both experienced brain damage that severely impacted their episodic memory abilities.
They couldn’t recall events from their lives, but knew many things about the world in general. In effect, their personal past had vanished, even though their general knowledge remained intact.
In one interview after the accident that caused his brain damage, Cochrane was able to describe how to change a flat tire in perfect detail – despite not remembering having ever done this task.
There have also been reports of cases of people whose ability to recall semantic memories is largely impaired, while their episodic memory abilities seem mostly fine. This is known as semantic dementia.
Your age affects how your memory works
Young children have both memory systems, but they develop at different rates. The capacity to form strong semantic memories comes first, while episodic memory takes longer.
In fact, true episodic memory ability may not fully develop until around the age of three or four years. This helps explain why you have scant memories of your earliest childhood. We gain greater self-awareness around the same age too.
While episodic memory ability develops more slowly in early life, it also declines more quickly in old age. On average, older adults tend to remember fewer episodic details compared to younger adults in memory recall assessments.
In older adults with more severe cognitive decline, such as dementia, the ability to recall episodic memories is typically much more affected, compared to semantic memories. For example, they might have difficulty remembering they had pasta for lunch the day before (episodic memory), while still having perfect knowledge of what pasta is (semantic memory).
Ultimately, it all works together
Brain imaging studies have actually revealed that overlapping areas of the brain are active when recalling both semantic and episodic types of memories. In a neurological sense, these two types of memory appear to have more similarities than differences.
In fact, some have suggested episodic and semantic memory might be better thought of as a continuum rather than as completely distinct memory systems. These days, researchers acknowledge memory recall in everyday life involves tight interaction between both types.
A major example of how you need both types to work together is autobiographical memory, also called personal semantics. This refers to personally relevant information about yourself.
Let’s say you call yourself “a good swimmer”. At first glance, this may appear to be a semantic memory – a fact without the how, why, or when. However, recall of such a personally relevant fact will likely also produce related recall of episodic experiences when you’ve been swimming.
All this is related to something known as semanticisation – the gradual transformation of episodic memories into semantic memories. As you can imagine, it challenges the distinction between semantic and episodic memory.
Ultimately, how we remember shapes how we understand ourselves. Episodic memory allows us to mentally return to experiences that feel personally lived, while semantic memory provides the stable knowledge that binds those experiences into a coherent life story.
Over time, the boundary between the two softens as specific events are condensed into broader beliefs about who we are, what we value, and what we can do. Memory is not simply a storehouse of the past. It’s an active system that continually reshapes our sense of identity.![]()
Shane Rogers, Senior Lecturer in Psychology, Edith Cowan University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Gabriel Golden family at Vanderbilt NICU-SWNSPigments and palettes from the past – science of Indigenous art
Some Indigenous paintings have lasted thousands of years … so what is it about the pigments that make them so long-lasting? Carolien Coenen/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND
Andrew Thorn, International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural PropertyIndigenous Australian practices, honed over thousands of years, weave science with storytelling. In this Indigenous science series, we look at different aspects of First Australians’ traditional life and uncover the knowledge behind them. Here we examine the chemistry and techniques behind perhaps the most iconic element of Indigenous life: rock art.
Visitors to Uluru might also find themselves at Mutitjulu Waterhole in the company of a travel guide filled with wisdom about the meaning of the paintings. Uluru has almost 100 painted sites, of which I have studied most, and tourists will encounter a dozen or less.
Anangu people will explain that the paintings have many meanings depending on the audience. An undulose band may be a snake in one story, a creek in another. A tourist may or may not be told that the paintings at Uluru are in themselves not necessarily highly charged with spiritual values but rather an auxiliary expression in response to the power of the rock itself. The main stories, the big stories, are told in the rock.
So why did people paint? What did it mean? How was it done? Why did they use certain pigments? Why has it lasted so long? The answers inevitably vary depending on where you are standing and with whom.
Painting techniques
Paint has been applied to rocks, almost all types, by a variety of application techniques. Marks were made using what appears to be a dry crayon or pastel application, where a piece of pigment-rich soft rock has been drawn across the surface.
A wide variety of implements were used as brushes to apply water-dispersed pigment, and there is ethnographic evidence of chewed bark and other suitable implements being used – as they still are today for bark paintings.
Fingers may have been used and in one rare and precious place across the flood plain from Ubirr in Kakadu, senior elder of Kakadu, Bill Neidjie, once pointed to a place in the ceiling where his footprints still remained from his youth where he was dipped in paint and pressed against the ceiling.
Stencil techniques have been used to portray everything from full bodies (the finest examples in Carnarvon Gorge in Queensland), to hands, weapons, and introduced objects of fascination such as clay pipes and wool shears. There are some very fine and complex hand prints east of King’s Canyon in the Northern Territory, pressing three coaxial U shapes to the rock by painting the two inner, the two outer fingers, and the palm.
Paintings can be highly detailed within an individual figure but rarely narrative panels extend across a whole site or rock panel. More typically pre-existing paintings are painted over with no regard for their meaning or author.
There are examples of important images that have been faithfully reproduced because of their fundamental meaning for a given site. It is important to underline this fact, that repainting, when considered over several hundred years is not commonly faithful reproduction but an accumulation of new expression.
Photographs of Mutitjulu waterhole at Uluru, taken by Australian anthropologist Charles Mountford in the late 1930s, are almost unrecognisable due to the accumulated new painting since that time.
Regular painting at Uluru ceased in the 1960s with only a few isolated cases of painting through to the 1980s.
Pigments
In Australia, pigments were chosen from naturally occurring minerals with little evidence of manufacture. Charcoal is one exception to this, but it could be argued that it was a routine by-product rather than a deliberately manufactured pigment.
There is some unsubstantiated speculation that yellow ochre was heated to turn it red and cases where European pigments were adopted. This availability of new colours did not result in the adoption of more colourful paintings, with the exception of some use of washing blue (a coarse synthetic ultramarine) in parts of Arnhem Land.
The traditional palette, that is to say the most commonly encountered colours, are red, white, yellow and black, with variations on the composition of these but with little evidence of mixing to create intermediate tones.
By studying the trace elemental composition of pigments it is possible to connect them to geological events, and hence their source. Such studies proves that pigments were traded, in some cases over long distances. It is difficult to postulate however that distance of manuportation equals significance or spiritual value, but further research may enlighten this fact.
Kaolin – a soft white clay – is abundant in most parts of Australia but where calcite is found, as it is in the river beds of Arnhem Land, it becomes the more common white pigment. The Kimberly is more abundant in the carbonate mineral huntite and yet it is rare to find huntite used outside this region, despite it being a brighter white than kaolin.
Examples of trade exist and some of these provide interesting insights into the selection of paints.
Just south of Uluru, near the South Australian border, lie a group of sites containing a metallic red pigment characteristic of the Walgi Mia quarry 1,000km to the west. It is said these caves and their paintings were created by the emu creation beings who had a dreaming path extending out to the western coastline and which would have passed very nearby the pigment source. It is not surprising therefore to find a pigment that has come from such a distance.
What is fascinating is that near to Walgi Mia is a very large painting site, Walghanna, that features a very large emu footprint. Emus are not known to have existed in the vicinity of Walghanna, according to the archaeological record and oral history. There appears to have been a two-way trade in materials and stories.
Durability and age
The 1930s photograph by Mountford, showing paintings that no longer exist due to subsequent overpainting indicates, among other things, that all of what one sees at Mutitjulu today is “modern art” painted in the period 1936-1962.
I had great fun at a conference using Powerpoint to fade between an image of the Mutitjulu panel and Convergence, a Jackson Pollock painting with an almost identical scramble of lines, shapes and colours, aimed to make the point that not all rock art is ancient. Some other more significant statements can be added. Most very old paintings survive as very thin remnants.
There are cases in Kakadu of whole colours falling off an image, resulting in, for example, birds without legs. Some very old paintings have survived for thousands of years with every detail seemingly intact, such as those of the dynamic style and others of that period.
These paintings tend to be monochromatic red, applied with haematite that is both very fine and non-responsive to humidity or chemical alteration.
Studies have shown degradation pathways for rock art pigments and it is no surprise that charcoal will jump off the rock very quickly, followed by kaolinite, huntite, then yellow and red ochres.
Dark red haematite is usually the last surviving pigment, unless a painting is subject to floodwaters or other physical agents. There are examples of red paintings surviving under water at Jowalbinna near Laura and east of Mt Isa, both in northern Queensland.
Pigments survive depending on their stability to climatic variations and then ultimately due to their ability to intimately bond with the rock.
It has to be stated that the greatest threat to indigenous rock paintings is the tourist, who out of curiosity rather than malice, desires a sensory connection to inanimate culture.
Having on many occasions adopted the disguise of the tourist I have observed a bus load of fascinated fellow travellers comparing their own hand with that sprayed on the ceiling of Mulga’s Cave just north of Wave Rock.
This is an act of connection with someone from the past but its very execution ensures that connection will soon be lost.
See also:
Stories from the sky: astronomy in Indigenous knowledge
Indigenous medicine – a fusion of ritual and remedy![]()
Andrew Thorn, Heritage Consultant and Materials Conservator; Sessional Lecturer in Stone Conservation, International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Weight Loss Tips ...
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- Remember Folks, losing weight isn't a mysterious process… it’s a matter of burning more calories than we eat! So get going! All the best! The Slimming Furnace: Best Weight Loss Tips Ever!
Experts warn about risks of cosmetic face fillers
Unique WWII documents on display at Yerevan exhibition
As part of the exhibition “Unique Documents from the Collections of the National Archives of Armenia,” currently underway at the National Archives of Armenia, visitors can explore rare and historically significant materials related to World War II and the Great Patriotic War.
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5th Edition of Nagaland Literature Festival concludes
Participants of the Reading Session ‘Unraveling the magic of words’ seen with Easterine Kire. (Photo by Jabu Krocha)Famous monument in Artsakh vandalized
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It’s hard to describe what it feels like to become a mum, but it has a name: matrescence
Dylan Nolte/Unsplash
Belinda Eslick, The University of Queensland; Fabiane Ramos, University of Southern Queensland, and Laura Roberts, Flinders University“Completely life-changing”. “Nothing could have fully prepared me”. These are the sorts of phrases you often hear from women when they become a mother.
These descriptions can point to the complexity and depth of the experience. It can be joyous and stressful, exhausting and euphoric, profound and mundane. It’s unlike any other life transition, and – try as we might – hard to capture in words or short phrases.
It turns out, though, there is a word for this process of becoming a mother: matrescence.
It’s a simple but powerful concept that’s changing the way we think about mothering. Here’s what matrescence means and how the concept can help mothers and those supporting them to navigate and understand this time of life.
Where did the term come from?
The term matrescence was coined in a 1973 essay by medical anthropologist Dana Raphael to describe the transition to motherhood. Raphael found most cultures had rites of passage that recognised “the time of mother-becoming”. However, Western countries such as the United States and Australia tended not to.
These practices, which vary depending on the cultural setting, have something in common. They acknowledge that, like adolescence, becoming a mother is a complex experience that brings a period of learning and transformation.
Raphael also coined the term “patrescence”, which, while not the focus of her study, recognised that fathers and other parents also go through a period of transition.
It would take decades, but matrescence made it into the public consciousness in 2017 in an article and widely-viewed TED Talk by reproductive psychiatrist Alexandra Sacks. Books, podcasts and media coverage have abounded since.
What changes during matrescence?
Most public discussion of matrescence still tends to centre the challenges of mothering, for example postpartum depression and anxiety.
But there is increasing interest in the many kinds of changes experienced in matrescence, such as dramatic brain changes or the phenomenon of microchimerism, where foetal cells from pregnancy can remain in the mother’s body, and vice versa.
Research on these phenomena matter not just scientifically, but philosophically.
Other body changes include powerful hormonal changes in pregnancy, birth, and postpartum. There’s also research looking at how having children and breastfeeding can reduce the risk of breast cancer.
Much of this research is emerging, which is unsurprising given historical and ongoing medical misogyny.
More than physical changes
Mothers can also experience significant shifts in identity, including changes in personal values, new priorities, or a sense of loss for other parts of themselves.
Mothers encounter new social dynamics and peer groups, too. The new social identities of “mother” or “mum” (or the markers “working mum” or “stay-at-home mum”) introduce new expectations, norms and ideals.
Relationship dynamics with partners, friends and family can shift significantly.
Mothers can also experience an expansive new relationship with their baby, though this might be sentimentalised or downplayed by others.
Other new emotional experiences, ranging from intense love and gratitude to “mum guilt” and “mum rage”, can arise, too, sometimes leading to maternal ambivalence.
New sensory experiences such as breastfeeding and physical contact can lead mothers to feeling overstimulated or “touched out”, but can also bring joy.
Women also take on a new political and economic identity when becoming mothers. In 2025, mothers are often expected to remain ideal workers in the paid workforce, sometimes navigating a return to paid work while caring for an infant and performing the bulk of crucial unpaid reproductive household labour and care.
This juggle can lead to maternal burnout and negative impacts on mothers’ wellbeing.
This all contributes to the “motherhood penalty” – the well-documented, entrenched and persistent economic injustice experienced by mothers.
Matrescence is a term that helps to capture the breadth of these experiences in all their enormity and complexity.
The oppression of ‘motherhood’
Matrescence doesn’t happen in a vacuum. As Raphael’s original essay showed, it’s shaped by many cultural, economic, and political factors. It’s not the same for every mother.
In her 1976 landmark feminist study on mothering, North American writer and poet Adrienne Rich made the useful distinction between the experience of mothering and what she described as the patriarchal institution of motherhood.
It was the institution of motherhood, Rich argued, that oppressed mothers, not mothering itself. The flipside of this argument was that a liberating motherhood was possible under different conditions.
Feminist scholar Adrienne Rich distinguished between mothering and the institution of motherhood. Colleen McKay/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SAWhen it comes to matrescence, the institution of motherhood in Western societies like Australia tends to sideline the experience of mothers, and the transition to motherhood is still largely experienced in isolation and silence.
Often, a focus on the baby overshadows the maternal-infant relationship or the needs of the mother, with many new mothers feeling unsupported or invisible.
New mothers are also often expected to live up to the “good mother” ideal by being totally self-sacrificing or naturally competent at mothering.
Societal norms can overlook the transitional and transformative period of matrescence, with mothers urged to “bounce back” – either by returning to a “pre-baby” body shape or by promptly getting back to paid work in the same capacity as before giving birth.
These experiences are exacerbated by a range of factors, including class, race, partnered status, sexual orientation and life stage, among others.
How does matrescence help?
While the concept of matrescence has become popular among some mothers and those working in maternal wellbeing, wider awareness of the term and the many changes new mothers experience is important.
For mothers, just knowing the concept can help by normalising what they might be experiencing. It can also help those who are pregnant or considering having a baby to prepare for motherhood.
But it can also help us to recognise that becoming a mother is not just a matter of flicking a switch, but a long and profound process of change that requires supportive conditions.
For individual mothers and families, this might mean friends and family offering to provide food or household help (rather than visiting just to hold the new baby).
Collectively, it means broader social changes, including changing cultural attitudes and better social, economic, and health policies to support mothers and families. These should recognise that when a baby is born, so is a mother.![]()
Belinda Eslick, Honorary Research Fellow, The University of Queensland; Fabiane Ramos, Lecturer, University of Southern Queensland, and Laura Roberts, Senior Lecturer in Women's and Gender Studies, Flinders University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
It’s a pool party! How to stay safe around the pool with friends this summer
Amy Peden, UNSW Sydney
It’s summer so kids’ playdates and birthday parties might start moving from the playground to the pool.
I research how to prevent drowning. I’m also a mum of two kids living in a house with a pool. So water safety is always front of mind.
Drowning deaths are at a record high in Australia. For pre-schoolers, this often happens in backyard pools. Although school-aged children have a much lower risk it’s still important to be vigilant.
Here are some key questions to ask and things to consider before you accept an invitation to a pool party or host your own.
With these tips, you’ll be able to navigate pool safety while ensuring the kids have heaps of fun.
Not everyone knows how to swim
First, think about your child’s swimming ability. Have they learned to swim? Do you know how their ability stacks up against their peers? Check their skills against the recommended minimum national swimming and water safety benchmarks for their age.
Perhaps some top-up lessons or some intensive lessons over summer might give their skills a boost ahead of a busy swim season.
As important as swimming skills are, so too is knowing how to be safe around the water. Have you talked to your kids about water safety? Are they mindful that others may not be able to swim as well as they can and may not be comfortable disclosing this to their friends?
Have you discussed how dangerous it can be to hold each other down under the water or hold their breath to swim to the end of the pool repeatedly? It can lead to someone blacking out.
It’s also not just about drowning. Knowing about water depth, the dangers of diving into shallow water, and not running around a wet and slippery pool can help avoid injury.
It’s not just about the kids
You also have a more direct role in keeping everyone safe. If you’re hosting a playdate and planning to include a swim, have you checked with the child’s parents? Ask about children’s swimming abilities or fears.
Before everyone hits the water, discuss your pool safety rules and expectations with the kids, including your own. My kids, and their friends, are very used to my “lifeguard lectures” by now.
An important part of playing lifeguard is supervision. If your kids’ friends are weak or poor swimmers, regardless of their age, you should be in the water with them. This is usually more fun anyway.
For older kids and more confident swimmers it’s still best to supervise from a distance (maybe poolside) and be dressed ready to get into the water in an emergency.
If you’re expecting more than a couple of kids, you might need more than one adult to ensure adequate supervision (and keep your stress levels down). Ensure each person’s supervision responsibilities are clear to avoid tragic miscommunications, such as: “I thought you were looking after them.”
Have you refreshed your CPR skills lately? Does your pool have a CPR sign you can refer to? Is your pool fenced and compliant? Does the gate close and lock on its own?
What about at someone else’s house?
Are you confident in your child’s ability to swim and be safe around the pool, if you’re not there? Have the hosts asked about your child’s swimming ability and any concerns? If not, you should be proactive and flag them.
Remember that eveyone’s definition of “can swim” is different. Would the hosts mind if you stayed to help supervise?
If you’re going to do the “drop and run”, will the adults hosting be supervising? How vigilant will they be? Will the adults be drinking alcohol?
Having the conversation early can ensure all parents involved are aligned on matters of water safety.
We’re heading to the local pool instead
Many of the same rules apply if you’re meeting up with friends for a swim at your local pool.
Conditions here are more controlled with depth markers and safety equipment. But none of this replaces good swimming skills and safe behaviours.
Although lifeguards are on hand to help should anything go wrong, they are not a substitute for active parental supervision and shouldn’t be treated as babysitters.
In fact, reports of aggression and verbal and physical abuse of lifeguards are increasing, so please be respectful and keep your cool.
Keep yourself safe too
Kids aren’t the only ones who can get into trouble in the water. Adult drownings in a variety of different waterways are also on the rise.
So if you’re hitting the pool this summer, avoid alcohol around the water. You can even be impaired the day after heavy drinking.
Older adults can also be at risk of drowning in backyard pools due to medical incidents, such as a heart attack, or accidentally falling into the water.
If you keep all these issues in mind, we can all have a safe and enjoyable summer by the pool.![]()
Amy Peden, NHMRC Research Fellow, School of Population Health and Co-founder UNSW Beach Safety Research Group, UNSW Sydney
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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